Tuesday 25 April 2017

The Default Option

For all its sense of itself as the natural party of government, globalist technocracy only ever wins by default.
 
It will be no achievement to beat a candidate of the Front National in a head-to-head second round. Any candidate not of the Front National would have done that.
 
Indeed, any such candidate other than Macron would have done so with far more votes, since Fillon's supporters and the Left are planning to abstain in huge numbers.
 
Secure in the knowledge that Le Pen will get no more votes in the second round than she did in the first, since her party is a ghetto for people who reject the entire basis of the State, with simply no appeal to anyone else.
 
Nothing would persuade me to vote for either Macron or Le Pen, just as nothing would have persuaded me to vote for either Clinton or Trump.
 
But Macron is going to win, because he is wrong in the way that his friend, George Osborne, is wrong. Le Pen, however, is wrong in the way that Anders Breivik is wrong.
 
Speaking of Clinton and Trump, it is worth pondering that he did only as well as a generic Republican would have done.
 
In winning the Electoral College while losing the popular vote, he did only as well as the last Republican President did on first being elected. This was no revolution.
 
And speaking of Osborne, the resignations of several of his allies on the Conservative benches from Open Britain over its hit list of MPs ought not to obscure the continued role in it of his patron, Peter Mandelson.
 
By retaining his membership of Open Britain, which is campaigning openly for Kate Hoey to lose her seat, Mandelson has autoexcluded himself from the Labour Party, thereby incurring a five year ban from being readmitted to it.
 
That is, if the rules apply to him at all. Do they? If not, why not?

Mandelson also says that Jeremy Corbyn ought to resign if Labour loses the General Election. What, like Neil Kinnock did in 1987?

When Kinnock finally did go, then he was replaced with a man who literally would not have Mandelson in the room. The death of John Smith was the making of Peter Mandelson.

It was also seizing of control of the Labour Party by a faction on its outermost fringes that had bitterly opposed the previous Leadership. If that has happened in the last two years, then it has not been for the first time.

The people whom the media installed 20 years before the rise of Jeremy Corbyn had, for example, fought against Smith's signature policy that employment rights should begin with employment, and apply regardless of the number of hours worked.

The pointedly never implemented that, and they still would not do so, whereas Ed Miliband would have done, Jeremy Corbyn would, and it is perfectly possible to imagine even Theresa May's suggesting it in a speech these days.

Everyone who knows anything about the politics of the North East has always known that Tony Blair had been preparing to leave Parliament at the 1996 or 1997 Election if Smith had still been Leader. In other words, if Smith had still been alive.

The same was probably also true of Mandelson.

There remains, however, no news as to a Labour candidate here in North West Durham.

Since that candidate is to be chosen by the National Executive Committee from an all-women shortlist, then she will almost certainly know nothing about the politics of the North East, even in the extremely unlikely event that she had ever lived here.

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